Has diplomacy entered the stage of rage?
# they said_about
Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita begins his letter to members of the Moroccan government by justifying with the words malentendus profonds or “issues of deep misunderstanding” with Germany on what he considers “vital issues for Morocco”. It calls on the various ministries to “suspend all forms of communication, interaction and cooperation in all cases and in any form with the German embassy, German cooperation bodies and its political institutions.”
Someone might say that the government of Morocco exercises its sovereignty and choices in managing its foreign policy, and it has the right to pursue various possible means. The defense of Mr. Bourita's position may reach the point of believing in the necessity to exert pressure on the position of one of the main countries in the European Union, and Berlin's position on the case before the European Court.
However, it seems that the apologetic tone in the text of the letter reflects an emotional tendency that seeks to break with Germany with the decision to freeze contracts and activities of its embassy in Rabat. It did not leave the window open to manage these disputes through diplomatic and loyal means #_Closed Arcade. It is reported that Mr. Bourita's message came in protest against the raising of the flag of the "Sahrawi Republic", which was proclaimed unilaterally, in front of the German municipality of Bremen. "Freedom for the last colony in Africa," commented Antje Grotheer, deputy mayor of the German Social Democratic Party.
Is the political logic really equal to the reaction of Mr. Bourita and his successor, the Moroccan government, to the statement of a deputy mayor. Neither the Social Democratic Party nor the Merkel government is required at this stage? Why ponder the message #stance_update In Rabat, instead of pursuing controversial and interactive diplomacy, it seeks to bridge positions instead of hardening them with Berlin and others. This is the nature of crises and conflicts: it begins with a limited conflict and then turns into what the view of protracted conflicts considers by Edward Azar in the concept of a Genesis of conflict or # Genesis Conflict.
One of the sites affiliated with the Burita Ministry tried to “justify”, or rather camouflage, the Moroccan move as a response to the German government's refusal #DeliveryMohammed_Hajeb, Previously convicted of his involvement in “terrorism” in Moroccan prisons, to the authorities in Rabat. It is another justifiable jurisprudence that diverges from the course of events, and is inconsistent with the logic that the case of one accused might lead Moroccan-German relations to a downward spiral of this level.
On the twenty-first of last December, Germany's delegate to the United Nations, Christoph Hozgen, called for a session in the Security Council in light of the Bergerat events, and the Polisario Front dissolves from the armistice agreement sponsored by the United Nations since 1991, and the Trump government's recognition of Morocco's sovereignty over the Sahara. "We want to stress again the point that we have been calling for over the past two years: For us, resolving disputes in a peaceful manner means adhering to the rules and implementing Security Council resolutions and international law," he said.
On the 14th of last January, the statements of the German ambassador in Rabat, Goods-Schmidt-Brim, were positive for Rabat when he defended the feasibility of the autonomy plan proposed by Morocco. He said at the time that "it is difficult to find a more realistic solution." Berlin has donated more than 700 million euros in aid to support development projects in Morocco.
These German positions and statements indicate a position that is not opposed to Morocco's interest. But if we adopt crisis analysis tools, it seems that Mr. Bourita's message will push Berlin to # Recalculate Within a flexible regional and international context, and the implications of the moving balance of power in the Mediterranean region. The Bourita ministry tends to expand the list of countries that no longer have stable positive relations with Rabat, including its close neighbor Spain, the Netherlands, and Belgium, not to mention the Scandinavian countries that do not support Morocco's position.
It is not currently wise to expand the scope of estrangement and tension with European capitals, which will reinforce political claims to place Morocco within the scope of #_regional isolation. The elites in Tunisia, Algeria and Libya are still discussing the call of Rached Ghannouchi, head of the Tunisian parliament and leader of the Ennahda movement, a few days ago to build a three-sided Maghreb Union without the membership of Morocco and Mauritania. This is another indication of the apprehension of the Maghreb and Arab elites over what is reported as “normalization with Israel,” similar to the UAE and Bahrain. It is no longer easy for Rabat to convince the Arab and Islamic street that the Maghreb state is the most defender of the rights of the Palestinians, even if it hints that it is still the head of the Jerusalem Money Committee.
Mr. Bourita does not appear to be the main architect of Moroccan foreign policy, given his directives from higher levels. Whatever its share of crystallizing such positions, the current stage requires cold-blooded strategic calculations with a longer breath, and not to fabricate escalatory policies that do not break with previous crises, and Rabat cannot control the course of future crises.